1. Sale of Wine in Advance

P.Coptic Museum 3512

24,5 x 15,8 cm

Hermopolite nome March 25th, AD 610

This is a light brown papyrus. Its top, bottom and a large part of its left hand side have been broken off. Consequently the beginning of all lines and the end of the text are missing. In spite of the missing portion, several lines can be reconstructed (12, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22). The number of letters per line ranges from 36 (17) to 57 (3) letters. The remaining part of the document is sufficient to verify the context. The document is written along the fibres. The handwriting is upright, fluid, sometimes sloping to the right.

The document belongs to the monastery of Apa Apollos on the site of Bawit¹. The date is complete and precise: Phamenoth 29^th, in the first year of Heraclius and in the 14^th indiction (i.e. March 25th, AD 610). This year was not previously attested in the documents related to the reign of Heraclius².

This contract deals with a sale of 140 measures of wine, paid in advance. In return, the wine seller undertakes to deliver the mentioned quantity of wine at the following indiction, in the month of Mesore, during the grape harvest. There is a clause concerning a penalty for the delivery of spoilt wine, providing for the exchange of the wine if it is found to be sour, or not fit for use, or having a moldy taste. This clause takes place in the month of Phamenoth of the same indiction, which means that there is a period of six months from Thoth till Mecheir for assessing the quality of the wine.

The formulas in the sales for future delivery have been studied and described adequately and much discussed as the category of «sale in advance», «sale on delivery», or «contract for delivery», by which the price specified was paid in advance and the goods delivered later under threat of penalty for non-delivery³.

On the verso, only some letters remain:]πα̣ρα̣c`ου´ Tούc[ιoc may be read.]πα̣ραс`ου´ may be the end of the name of the vinedresser, while Tούc[ιοс is the beginning of the patronymic⁴. A sentence such as χ(ει)ρ(όγραφον) γενόμε(νον) name]πα̣ρα̣c`ου´ Tούc[ιοс may be reconstructed⁵; or]πα̣ρα̣ c`ου´ Tούc[ιοс may be also read.

Recto

χ]μ̣[γ ἀμή]ν̣ (vac.) [

[† ἐν ὀνόματι τῆc] ἁ̣γ̣ίαс κ̣α̣ί̣ ζωοπ̣[ο]ι̣ο̣ῦ̣ κ̣α̣ὶ̣ ὁ̣μ̣[οου]cί̣ο̣υ̣ T[ριάδοс Πατρὸc]

[καὶ Υἱο(ῦ) καὶ Ἁγίο(υ) πνεύματo]c β̣αсιλείαс τοῦ θειοτάτου καὶ γαληνο[τάτου]

[καὶ θεοсτεφοῦc ἡμ]ῶν̣ δ̣εсότου Φλ(αουίου) Ἡρακλείου τοῦ αἰωνίου

5 [Αὐγούсτου Aὐτοκράτο]ρ̣ο̣c̣ ἔτoυс πρώτο`υ´ Φα̣μ`ε´(νὼθ) κθ ιδ ἰνδ(ικτίονс)

[† Αὐρήλιοс name υἱὸc] Ἀ̣π̣ο̣λλῶτοс ἐκ μητpòc

[ name ἀμπελουpγòc ἀπὸ] κ̣ώμηс Tα̣νεμώεωс τοῦ

[Ἑρμουπολίτου νομοῦ (vac. ?) † τ]ῷ̣ εὐλαβεсάτῳ ἀββᾷ

[name τῷ ἀρχιμανδρίτῃ (?) τοῦ ἁγίου μοναсτ]η̣[ρ]ί̣ο̣υ ἁββᾶ Ἀπολλῶτοс

10 [ἐν ὄρει τῆc κώμηс Τιτκώεωс τοῦ Ἑρμοπολίτου νομο]ῦ̣ χα̣ίρε̣ι̣ν̣.

[ὁμολογῶ ἐγὼ ὁ προγεγράμμενοс name ἑсχηκ]έναι καὶ πεπληρῶсθαι

[παρὰ τῆc cῆc εὐλαβείαс τῆc πρὸc ἀλλήλουс сυμπεφωνη]μ̣έ̣νηс τελείαс

[καὶ ἀξίαс τιμῆc οἴνου νέου καλλίсτου καὶ εὐαρέсτου μέτρων ἑκ]α̣τ̣ὸ̣ν̣

[τεссεράκοντα ἀπὸ ξ(εοτῶν)] τ̣ριῶν γί(νεται) οἴ(νου) μέτρ̣α ρμ̣ἀπ`ὸ´ ξ(εсτῶν) γ

15 [ἅπερ сοι ἀποδώсω] ἐν̣ τῷ καιρῷ τρύγηс <τῷ> Μεсορὴ μ[ηνὶ] τ̣ῆc̣ εἰ-

[сιούсηс] πεντεκαιδεκάτηс ἰνδ(ικτίονοс) cὺν θεῷ παρέχοντοс

[сοῦ τὰ κοῦφα νέα] αὺτῶν̣ · εἰ δὲ εὑρεθείη ὄξοс ἢ ἀποίητοс

[ἢ ὀζόμε]νοс ἐκ̣ τοῦ αὐτοῦ οἴνο`υ´ ἕωс τοῦ μηνόc Φαμ(ενὼ)`θ´

[τῆc αὐτῆc] ἰνδ(ικτίονοс) ἐπὶ τῷ ἐμὲ ἀλλάξαι сοι ἐν καλῷ οἴνῳ χωρ̣ίc

20 [τινοс ὑπ]ε̣[ρ]θέсεωс καὶ ἀν̣ιλογίαс καὶ οἰαсδήποτε̣ ἀ̣φορμῆc

[καὶ πάсηс] π̣ροχρείαс · παρ̣ε̣[λθούсηс δ]ὲ̣ τ̣ῆc̣ [προ]ειρημ̣(ένηс)

[προθεсμίαс……………………………………………………………………………………]υ̣

[…………………………………………………………………………………………………]γηc̣(α)

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Verso (across the fibers)

]πα̣ρα̣c( )τουс[

4 Φλ/      5 Φα̣μ^ε ινδ/      13 γι/ οι/      15 των αυτων (pap.)      16 ινδ/      18 Φαμ^θс      19 ινδ/      21 [προ]ειρημ̣c

Fig. 1 Sale of wine in advance P.Coptic Museum 3512

In the name of the holy, life-giving, and consubstantial Trinity, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, in the first year of the reign of our most divine, most serene and crowned by God our master Flavius Heraclius, the perpetual Augustus, Imperator, Phamenoth 29^th, 14^th indiction. Aurelius (…) son of Apollos, his mother being (…), vinedresser from the village of Tanemois in the Hermopolite nome, to the most reverent Abba (…), archimandrite (?) of the holy monastery of Abba Apollos in the desert of the village of Titkois in Hermopolite nome, greetings. I, the afore-mentioned (…), agree that I have received and been paid in full from your discretion for the complete and goodly price we mutually agreed upon of the best and new must, of fine quality and tasty, one hundred and forty measures of must, (each measure consisting) of three xestai, total 140 measures of 3 xestai of wine, which I shall deliver for you at the time of vintage, in the month of Mesore with God’s help in the next fifteenth indiction. You will supply the containers, new ones. And if the wine is found to be sour, or unfit for use, or having a moldy taste till the month of Phamenoth of the same indiction, I agree to exchange it for you in good wine without any delay or dispute or reason whatsoever or any loan. And when the aforesaid period is past (…).

1 χ]μ̣[γ ἀμή]ν̣. These traces may be the first line of the document. For the restoration, see P.Lond. II 483, 1 (p. 323; AD 615/616) and comm.

3 γαληνο[τάτου]. This is the traditional epithet, found only in upper Egypt; see Bagnall/Worp (1978) 154.

2-5. For the whole restoration and the formula of dating, see P.Lond. I 483, 1-5; P.Herm 33, 1 (= SB XVI 12490; VI AD); P.Herm. 34, 1-2 (VII AD); SB I 4669, 1-3 (AD 613/614); P.Edfou 3, 1-3. (AD 618). It may be noticed that the notary has abbreviated the name of the month Phamenoth in two different ways (5: Φα̣με; 18: Φαμθс).

6. At the start of this line, one expects a cross, then Αὐρήλιοс, the name of the vinedresser in the nominative, then υἱόc in the lacuna before the patronymic Ἀ̣π̣ο̣λλῶτοс. In Byzantine Egypt, Αὐρήλιοс was restricted to definite a category of Egypt’s population; see Keenan (1973), (1974) and (1983). For the restoration of υἱόc, see BGU XVII 2695, 5 (AD 608); XII 2209, 9 (AD 614). For the interpretation of the profession of ἀμπελουργόc as a vineyard specialist, see Mayerson (2003).

7. At the start of this line, one expects the name of the mother in the genitive, followed by ἀμπελουργόc (description of the profession), and ἀπό in the lacuna before κ̣ώμηс Τα̣νεμώεωс. See BGU XII 2208, 8 (AD 614); XVII 2695, 6; 2207, 5 (AD 606 AD); all those parallels come from the Hermopolite nome. For ὁ ἀμπελουργὸc ἀπὸ] κ̣ώμηс Τα̣νεμώεωс, see BGU XII 2207, 5; 2208, 8; 2209, 11; XVII 2695, 7; SB XVI 12401, 6-7.

8. Since the average of the letters per line in our document is a minimum of 36 (line 17) and a maximum of 57 letters (line 3), there may be an empty space between ‘Ερμουπολίτου νομοῦ and the cross before τ]ῷ̣ εὐλαβεсτάτῳ ἀββᾷ; see SB XXII 15595, 2 (Hermopolite nome, VI/VII AD).

9. The lacuna at the beginning of this line needs a name of a monk, one belonging to the monastery of Apa Apollos near the village of Titkois followed by the title of the monk, either τῷ ἀρχιμανδρίτῃ (see SB XVI 12401, 5) or πρ(οεсτῶτι) (see P.Lond. V 1899) or μονάζοντι (SB XXII 15595). I prefer τῷ ἀρχιμανδρίτῃ since the line contains only 34 letters, although the average per line is between 26 and 57. For details about the daily life and business in the monastery of Apa Apollos, see Delattre (2004). Various Apollos monasteries are known from late antique Egypt; see MacCoull (1991).

10 [ἐν ὄρει τῆc κώμηс Τιτκώεωс τοῦ Ἑρμοπολίτου νομο]ῦ̣ χα̣ί̣ρ̣ειν̣ This is found also in other documents related to monastery of Apa Apollos of Titkois; see SB XVI 12401, 7-9 (AD 590); P.Sta. Xyla 5, 8-9 n. (VI AD); P.Lond. V 1899, 7 and 11 (AD 600); and P.Mon. Apollo 27, which refers to the monastery of Apa Apollo at Τιτκώιс.

11. At the start of this line one expects ὁμολογῶ followed by a phrase such as ἐγὼ ὁ προγεγραμμένοс, then the name of the vinedresser. See SB XVI 12488, 17 (AD 538 AD); P.Prag. I 45, 9 (AD 521).

12. The formulation of this line is essentially identical to that of SB XVI 13037, 6-8 (AD 523) and SB XVI 12488, 5-6 (AD 538), except for εὐλαβεсτάτῳ (see line 8).

13 [καὶ ἀξίαс τιμῆc οἴνου νέου καλλίсτου καὶ εὐαρέсτου μέτρων ἑκ]α̣τ̣ό̣ν̣ may be restored on the basis of SB XVI 12401, 7 and XVIII 13124, 6, where καλλίсτου καὶ εὐαρέсτου is placed after οἴνου νέου instead of being before <сου> παρέχοντοс (16); see P.Sta. Xyla 5, 6-5: ἐν οἴνῳ νέῳ καλλίсτῳ καὶ εὐαρέсτῳ. In some documents we find εὐαρέсτου alone after μούсτου; see SB I 4487, 4 (= SPP III 125; VI/VII AD); P. Lond. II 390, 2, and CPR XIV 4, 8. ἑκ]α̣τ̣ὸ̣ν may be read since the contract deals with a sale of 140 measures of wine (14: ρμ̣).

14 ἀπὸ ξ(εсτῶν)] τ̣ριῶν. In our document each measure consists of 3 sextarii. For the restoration, see SB XXII 15595. For measures consisting of 3 sextarii, see P.Amst. I 48, 14, a contract for the advance sale of 450 knidia of unfermented wine (9), in which each knidion contained 3 sextarii. See also Harrauer (1980) 11, note to line 11; Casson (1939) 8.

15 [ἅπερ сοι ἀποδώсω] ἐν̣ τῷ καιρῷ τρύγηс <τῷ> Μεсορὴ μ[ηνί]. There is no room for the article τῷ. For the restoration, see P.Ath. Xyla 6, 1 (VI AD): <τῷ> Μεοορὴ μ[ηνί]. For the grape vintage ἐν̣ τῷ καιρῷ τρύγηс, see Schnebel (1925) 275; Montevecchi (1944) 146; also P.Oslo. II 43, 2.

15-16 τ̣ῆc̣ εἰ|[сιούсηс]. See SB XVI 12489, 7 (V/VI AD).

16-17 παρέχοντοс | [сοῦ τὰ κοῦφα νέα] αὐτῶν̣. Usually, the buyer contracts to provide the empty jars. For the restoration, see P.Lond. III 1001, 21 (p. 270). Some adjectives such as νέα sometimes accompany τὰ κοῦφα; see P.Ath. Xyla 6, 7 (VI AD), with note to line 7.

17-18 ὄξοс ἢ ἀποίητοс | [ἢ ὀζόμε]νοс. See SB XVI 12488, 13 (AD 538). For a discussion of ὄξοс, ἀποίητοс, and ὀζόμενοс, which are found in the guarantee clause of wine sales for future delivery, see P.Lugd. Bat. XVII 10; P.Oxy. XVI 1974; also Kruit (1992) 265-276.

19-20 χωρ̣̣ίc | [τινοс ὑπ]ε̣[ρ]θέсεωс. For the restoration, see BGU XII 2198, 17 (VI AD); SB XVI 12603, 3 (VI/VII AD).

21. For the restoration of this line, see SB XVIII 13124, 13-14 (VI AD.

22]υ̣. This reading may be accepted if compared to the upsilon of the article τοῦ at the end of line 7; so ὕμιс]υ̣ may be restored. This line may contain a financial compensation. See SB XVI 12401 (AD 590), which is a close parallel to our document; the seller expresses the obligation to deliver 140 jars of wine, the same quantity as in our document (13-14). See also P.Oxy. XVI 1974 (AD 499), with a payment of 1 ½ solidi.

23. Perhaps [τὸ γράμμα κύριον καὶ βέβαιον καὶ ἐπερωτηθεὶc ὠμολό]γηc̣(α).

2. A Christian Letter

P.Egypt. Mus. S.R 3733 (1) recto

30 x 18 cm

Provenance unknown VI AD

The papyrus is badly mutilated. A part of the top left corner that includes the first, second, and third lines has been torn off. The papyrus was badly repaired, so that two thirds of the first and second lines of the left hand side corner should be moved to the edge of the right margin. The papyrus has many gaps in its upper two thirds, which makes the reading of the first four lines particularly difficult. The surface is of a darkish colour and tends to become lighter on the top, right and left hand sides. The lower margin is preserved, but not the top one. The left and right margins are preserved; thus the number of letters per line ranged from 34 (8) to 50 (4) letters. Line 13 is probably the last of the letter, because the line is directed upwards. Besides, the space between lines 12 and 13, which is narrower than that between the others, may indicate that the writer was trying to finish his letter by writing the last line parallel to the lower edge of the papyrus, which is oblique, and short. The handwriting is an upright regular cursive hand, readable and clear, sloping sometimes upwards to the right, along the fibres. The letters are of a large size. The shape of the letters indicates an expert hand. This is confirmed by the fact that the sender of this letter is a notary. On the verso there is a Coptic document.

This document is a letter whose sender is a notary called Stephanos. He wrote this letter to a clergyman (see 1, 4, 11 and 13). It is not clear whether he is a private notary in a large estate or an official notary. We know there were in this period some official scribes, assisting the collectors of taxes in the office of the pagarch, called λογογράφοι or νοτάριοι⁶. Beside them there were private notaries, who had functions in the large estates⁷. The status of our notary and the fact that he mentions the landowner (9: ὁ γεοῦ̣χοс) suggest that this letter came from a large estate which had its secretaries, accountants, tax-collectors and private army of hired soldiers, buccellarii⁸.

The subject of the letter is the sufferings of our notary, Stephanos, who encountered some difficulties as we may conclude from the words сτενοῦμαι and ταλαιπωρῶ (see 7 and 8, n.). It seems that he has been ordered by the landowner to manage something (5-6), the exact nature of which is unclear from the text. We can guess that it may have been concerned with the collection of the taxes, which was a part of the notary’s tasks⁹. Stephanos begs the priest to pray God that the landowner may have pity on him and the peasants, who apparently were being pressed by the landowner¹⁰. Appealing to priests and anchorites is much in evidence in the papyri; it is a witness to the extent of the people’s need for spiritual or physical assistance¹¹.

[……………μν]ήμη̣ν̣ ἐν ταῖc εὐχαῖc сου. θαρρῶ δ̣ὲ̣ [

ἔχει μου̣ . […………]ι̣ε̣… αιω̣. τὰc οὖν εὐχ[ὰc]

τῆc ὑ̣μ̣[ῶν πατ]ρ̣[ιό]τητοс καὶ τῶν ἁγίων πα[τέρω]ν̣ μ̣νί̣сθητί μο[ι]

ἐν τ̣α̣ῖ[с ἁγ]ί̣α̣ι̣c̣ εὐχαῖс [с]ου ὅ[τ]ε ἀναφέρειс τὰc ἁγίαс προсφοράc

5 ἵ̣να̣ ὁ θεὸc c[υ]νπράξῃ μοι εἰc τὰ διοικο[ύ]με[ν]α παρ’ ἐμοῦ

πράγμα̣[τα κ]αὶ δυνηθῶ διοικῆсαι αὐτά, ἐπει̣δ̣ὴ [ο]ἱ

γεωργοὶ ἐсτενώθηсαν ⸱ κἀγὼ сτενοῦμαι μετ’ αὐτῶν

κὰ ταλαιπωρῶ ⸱ κα[ὶ] δ̣ύνατε ἡ πατριότηс сου

εὔξαсθαι τὸν θεὸν ἵνα ἐλεήcῃ αὐτοὺc ὁ̣ γεοῦ̣χόc τ̣ε̣

10 καὶ εὔξητε καὶ περὶ αὐτῶν. † ἐγὼ δὲ Cτέφανοс

ὁ νοτάριοс ὁ ἐλθὼν εἰc τοὐc πόδαс сου ἄλλο ἅπαξ

παρακαλῶ εὔξαсθαι ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ ὅτι ἁμαρτωλόc εἰμὶ

καὶ οὐκ ἠξιώθην ἀπολαῦсαι τῶν εὐχῶν сου.

3 μνήсθητι      8 δ̣ύναται      10 εὔξηται

(…) remembrance in your prayers. I am however confident (…) has my (…) therefore (…) the prayers of your paternity and of the holy fathers, remember me in your holy prayers when you present the holy offerings in order that God may help me in the matters which I manage, and that I be able to manage them, since the peasants have encountered difficulties; and I also share their difficulties, and I am suffering. And your paternity can pray God so that their landowner may show mercy towards them and also pray even for them. (chrism) I, the notary Stephanos, who has come to your feet again, I beg you to pray for me because I am a sinner and I am not worthy of benefitting from your prayers.

Fig. 2 A Christian letter P.Egypt. Mus. S.R 3733 (1) recto © Egyptian Museum, Cairo

1. μν]ήμην may be restored despite the lack of parallels, except for SB XVI 12474, 3 (VI/VII AD): [πρὸc τὸν θεὸν καὶ τῆ]c̣ τ̣α̣λ̣αιπώρου ἡμῶν ψυχῆc μνή̣μ̣η̣ν [ποιο]ῦμεν.

2]ι̣ε̣… αιω̣. There is a tail under the iota; it may be the remaining of xi. The remaining three letters may be an end of a name in the dative.

3 τῆc² ὑ̣μ̣[ῶν πατ]ρ̣[ιό]τητοс. See P.Lond. VI 1916, 32 (Cynopolite nome, AD 330-340 [?]): καὶ τῶν ἁγίων πα[τέρω]ν̣ μ̣νί̣сθητί (μνήсθητί) μο[ι.

μ̣νί̣сθητί μο[ι]. A narrow strip of margin is preserved, showing that the small part of this line that contains]ν̣ μνίсθητί μο[ι must be moved to the right, and then, it will leave a gap sufficient for four letters. The suggested word πα[τέρω]ν̣ gives us a good sense.

4 ἐν τ̣α̣ῖ[с ἁγ]ί̣α̣ι̣c̣ εὐχαῖс [с]ου. See P.Lond. VI 1923 11-13: παρακαλῶ ὅπωс | μνημονεύcῃс μου ἐν τε῀с | ἁγίαιс εὐχεс (l. ταῖc ἁγίαιс εὐχαῖc) сου. The formula for prayers is discussed by Koskenniemi (1956) 145-148.

τὰc ἁγίαс προсφοράc. Those are offered by the people to the church; see Villecourt (1924). This offering was originally wheat and bread, and then oil and wine; see Athanasius’ Canon 64 in Crum/Riedel (1904) 129. It was the main source of the Church’s revenue; see Wipszycka (1972) 64-92. It was regulated by various laws, almost from the fourth till the twentieth century; see ps.-Basil., edited by Crum (1904) 57-62; for the twelfth century, Gabriel Ibn Turaid edited by Burmester (1936) 5-45. For προсφορά, see P.Mey. 24, 9 n.; as taxes, Gascou (1972) 245-246 and Rémondon (1972) 269.

6-7 ἐπε̣ι̣δ̣ὴ [ο]ἱ | γεωργοὶ ἐсτενώθηсαν. See P.Goodsp. 15, 24 (IV AD): διὰ τὴν τῶν χρημάτων сτῆνοс (l. сτένωсιν); P.Gen. I² 14, 6: διὰ τ̣ὴν πολλήν μου сτένωсι[ν].

8 ταλαιπωρῶ. Whereas the adjective ταλαίπωροс appears frequently in the papyri, the use of the verb ταλαιπωρέω is very rare. It is recorded only once as a participle in P.Mil. Vogl. 24, 15 (II AD). Here the use is still intransitive («to suffer, be troubled»); later usage – esp. Modern Greek – has retained only the transitive meaning («to trouble someone»).

10-11 Cτέφανοс | ὁ νοτάριοс. On notarii, see P.Lond. V 1679, 3-4 n. A list of notaries found in Byzantine contracts was drafted by Segrè (1927) 102-104.

12 ἁμαρτωλόc. On the religious significance of ἁμαρτωλόc, see Deissmann (1910) 114.